1/18/26 | Global Leaders Gather in Switzerland to Ponder the Future of a Messy World

On January 18th, 2026, Gaston Sigur Professor and Director of the China Policy Program Professor David Shambaugh was interviewed for The New York Times for an article titled Global Leaders Gather in Switzerland to Ponder the Future of a Messy World.” In the article, he spoke about how China will prosper in the world under Trump and continue to make gains in the technology sectors.

 

Global Leaders Gather in Switzerland to Ponder the Future of a Messy World

At its 56th annual meeting in Davos, the World Economic Forum will wrestle with war, economics, artificial intelligence and other pressing issues.

 

World leaders, corporate executives and figures from civil society are convening in Davos, Switzerland, this week for the World Economic Forum. All eyes are almost certain to be on one high-ranking guest: President Trump, who plans to attend with a large delegation including Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Steve Witkoff, the special envoy to the Middle East.

Topics of discussion at Davos — according to U.S. and European analysts and former policymakers interviewed ahead of the event — are likely to include Russia’s war with Ukraine; prospects for global trade and markets; the probability of China invading Taiwan; and the risks of a Middle East flare-up caused by the recent uprising in Iran.

Many of those issues may well hinge on one central question: What will Mr. Trump do next?

François Hollande, who was the president of France from 2012 to 2017, a period that briefly overlapped with Mr. Trump’s first term, offered his thoughts and predictions in a recent interview, as did former senior U.S. policymakers who are attending or who have regularly attended Davos over the years.

“Donald Trump is the president of the United States, and any U.S. president has influence over the world,” said Mr. Hollande in a video interview. And yet, he added, it was unlikely that Mr. Trump — whose administration recently orchestrated the capture and jailing of President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela — would invade Greenland or engage the United States in a major military confrontation elsewhere.

“It’s important to note that Donald Trump does not wage war. He uses the threat of force, but he limits the actual use of force,” Mr. Hollande said, pointing to the U.S. president’s reluctance so far to launch a large-scale invasion of Venezuela or topple the regime, which is now being led by Mr. Maduro’s vice president, Delcy Rodríguez. “He has no intention of establishing multiple war zones,” Mr. Hollande continued. “His idea is to use conflicts to gain economic advantage.”

Mr. Hollande — who attended Davos as France’s president and is today a member of Parliament and a leading figure in the French Socialist Party — recalled his first exchange with Mr. Trump, who, shortly after winning the 2016 election, reached out to connect with allies and counterparts.

The telephone call began with Mr. Trump praising France’s beauty and its food and wine. He then complained that the United States was spending too much on troops stationed in Europe to ensure the continent’s defense, Mr. Hollande recalled.

When asked by Mr. Hollande if he would respect agreements that his predecessor had signed — the Paris climate-change accord, and the Iran nuclear accord — “Donald Trump let me know, very courteously, that he would not be taking a favorable stance toward those two accords,” as they were not economically beneficial, he said.

“Previous U.S. presidents presented themselves as the heads of the Atlantic alliance. Their principal argument was that they were the leaders of the free world,” Mr. Hollande explained, referring to the NATO alliance established by the United States and Europe after World War II. He noted that President George W. Bush’s interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan had been conducted in the name of “establishing a democracy.”

“Donald Trump does not base his policies on values or principles,” he said. “Economic imperatives are the engine and the motive behind U.S. action.”

 

Some experts go a lot further.

In a new report, the U.S.-based Eurasia Group identifies the United States as “the principal source of global risk in 2026.”

Why? “The United States is by far the most powerful and consequential country in the world, so when big things happen in the United States, they have outsized impact,” said Ian Bremmer, the president and founder of Eurasia Group, a leading global political risk research and consulting firm, who will be at Davos.

Since the start of Mr. Trump’s first term in 2017, the United States has been increasingly unwilling to “continue to lead on the values and on the policies that it had in the postwar order,” Mr. Bremmer said. It is far less keen, he said, to act as “the global policeman” or “the principal architect of free trade” or “the promoter of rule of law or democracy, even though it did those things sometimes hypocritically and not always well.”

Mr. Bremmer added that “no other country or group of countries would be able and willing to replace the United States for a period of time.”

President Trump is “not the cause of this: he’s a symptom” and “a meaningful accelerant,” he said, adding that it all amounts to a political revolution in the United States as the country prepares to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Mr. Bremmer and others predict that Mr. Trump’s Republican Party will lose its majority in the House of Representatives in November, because of the president’s low popularity (the latest polls from The Economist show a 40 percent approval rating), and that the “guardrails” against his policies within the U.S. judiciary and the federal system, and among governors and mayors, will hamper his actions.

On the trade front, Mr. Trump will most likely continue to wage trade wars using his preferred instrument: tariffs, predicted Robert Zoellick, the former president of the World Bank and a U.S. trade representative under George W. Bush who was the architect of major trade initiatives and attended Davos on many occasions. He is now a senior fellow at Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.

Last year, the president used emergency powers to impose tariffs on imports from more than 100 countries — raising them in many cases to levels not seen in roughly a century — as he set out to slash the U.S. trade deficit and boost manufacturing at home. The U.S. Supreme Court is scheduled to rule soon on the legality of those sweeping global tariffs.

“Trump sees tariffs as a handy club, and he doesn’t see the costs of tariffs: He only sees them as a form of leverage,” Mr. Zoellick said. “He has no interest in institutions or rules. Obviously, it’s an easier club than military action, and it’s more than words, so that’s why I expect that he’s going to continue to use it.

“He’s a disrupter and a dealmaker,” he said. In the year ahead, “that will be the context, and then the rest of the world will have to adapt, because the U.S. is a powerful place.”

Mr. Zoellick noted that the United States represents only about 14 percent of world trade, so its trading partners, big and small, are likely to trade with other countries. (Earlier this month, the European Union formed a sweeping free-trade pact with four South American countries.)

For Davos attendees, one of the biggest themes will be the outlook for global markets, initial public offerings and deals, and who will be selected as the next U.S. Federal Reserve chairman, Mr. Zoellick said.

Mr. Trump has repeatedly indicated his desire to remove and replace the current chairman, Jerome H. Powell, whose term ends in May and who has recently been targeted in a federal investigation. Mr. Trump told The New York Times in an interview this month that he had decided on Mr. Powell’s replacement, but did not say who it was.

Markets made “very big gains around the world” in 2025, Mr. Zoellick said. Global stock markets reported double-digit gains for a third consecutive year, with the S&P 500 rising 16.4 percent, and the MSCI All Country World index surging by more than 20 percent.

“People are expecting the economy to power through,” Mr. Zoellick said, and at Davos, “a lot of the discussion on the side will be, ‘Where are the opportunities and where are the danger points?’”

One danger point is the supply and cost of energy. “We’re still in a world where more than 80 percent of global energy needs are met by fossil fuels,” said Meghan L. O’Sullivan, a professor at Harvard University’s Kennedy School who has advised national security officials in Republican and Democratic administrations and who will attend this year’s Davos meetings.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, oil and gas producers integrated into a global market, and many countries, including the United States and China, felt confident that they could buy energy affordably, “so energy was not seen as a highly geopolitical tool.”

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, oil and gasoline prices shot up everywhere, including in the United States, pushing up inflation.

Today, “we’re in a world where great power competition and even potential conflict is very real,” said Ms. O’Sullivan, a co-writer of a recent essay on the subject in Foreign Affairs magazine.

“So the use of energy to advance those objectives suddenly is not only conceivable, it’s prevalent,” she added. In Venezuela, for example, “oil seems absolutely central to the president’s determination to remain involved,” she said.

What about China? What will it do in 2026?

“A continuation of what it’s been doing in the past few years under Xi Jinping,” predicted Prof. David Shambaugh, a leading China specialist at George Washington University and the Hoover Institution.

He said China’s top priority was to become “a tech innovation superpower,” as set out in the country’s recently published 15th Five-Year Plan. “They’re going to continue to pour enormous resources into everything from robotics to bio, and from nanotech to A.I.”

Another priority is to continue to dominate world trade. China recently announced the world’s largest trade surplus ever: $1.19 trillion, up 20 percent from 2024. Mr. Shambaugh said China would continue to export goods at low prices to markets all over the world, particularly and increasingly in the global south — Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia.

Geopolitically, China is “sitting in a very good place,” Mr. Shambaugh said. Mr. Trump is “the first American president who has not said anything about or cared about the nature of the Chinese regime and human rights.”

As a result, “Xi Jinping could not ask for more,” said the professor. China is preparing to host Mr. Trump for a state visit in April, and “they’re just going to roll out the red carpet, proverbially, in ways they’ve never done before.”

 

The year 2026 started with a major uprising in Iran — 47 years after the Islamic Revolution toppled the monarchy and replaced it with a brutal theocracy that has crushed successive waves of protest.

In the latest wave, ignited by the collapse of the currency and soaring inflation, tens of thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets, and hundreds, perhaps thousands, have been killed. Many protesters are calling for the return of Iran’s former crown prince, Reza Pahlavi, who lives in exile in the United States.

What would be the consequences of regime change in Iran for the Middle East?

“If Iran were to become a secure and democratic country, that would change everything in the region,” said Mr. Hollande, the former French president. “There would be a return to a form of stability.”

Founded in 1971 in a Swiss ski resort as a gathering of business leaders, the World Economic Forum has turned into a global get-together for heads of state and government, civil society representatives, academics and experts, and journalists. It has also come to symbolize the world’s richest and most powerful.

“On paper, the Forum is just another multiday seminar devoted to steadfastly tackling the problems of the day, with earnest discussions on climate change, gender imbalance, and the digital future,” wrote Peter S. Goodman of The New York Times in his 2022 book “Davos Man: How the Billionaires Devoured the World.”

“Behind the scenes,” he added, “the Forum is a staging ground for business deals and strategic networking, a schmooze fest underwritten by financial behemoths and consulting firms, and an opportunity for everyone present to congratulate themselves on making it to the right side of the human divide.”

Ms. O’Sullivan of Harvard listed the logistical drawbacks of Davos: “The cold, the slippery streets, and the utter lack of sufficient space or hotel rooms for those who gather.”

At the same time, “in an era of geopolitical fragmentation and deep distrust of institutions, Davos remains one of the few places where rival powers and sectors still talk to one another,” she said — with one important caveat: “At Davos, it is easy to mistake access for impact,” and “translating elite conversation into action remains a challenge.”

[02/05/2026] From Manners to Rules: Advocating for Legalism in South Korea and Japan

Graphic describing the title, date, time, and location of the event.

Thursday, February 5th, 2026

12:30 PM – 2:00 PM ET

Lindner Family Commons

Elliott School of International Affairs

1957 E Street NW Washington, D.C. 20052

The new book, From Manners to Rules: Advocating for Legalism in South Korea and Japan (Cambridge, 2025), challenges the conventional wisdom that law and courts play marginal roles in Korean and Japanese politics. Through paired comparisons of recent reforms related to disability rights and tobacco control, Professor Celeste Arrington documents the emergence of legalistic approaches to governance in the hard cases of Korea and Japan, where governance was previously characterized by nonbinding measures, bureaucratic discretion, and malleable, vague laws that couldn’t be used in court. Whereas existing studies of legalism or the broader judicialization of politics elsewhere tend to emphasize top-down or structural factors, this new book reveals how activists and lawyers contribute from the bottom up to a more legalistic regulatory style by demanding and using more formal, detailed, and enforceable rules and participatory policy processes. This legalistic turn is reshaping the who and the how of policy design and implementation and transforming citizens options for political participation in East Asia’s main democracies. The comparative research draws on 120 interviews and diverse documents from advocacy groups, court cases, and government bodies. This talk will present the book’s main argument with evidence related to disability-based discrimination and accessibility for people with disabilities in Korea and Japan.

Book link: https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/from-manners-to-rules/F68A14FC5E643B2FE1DF3708EDAD4D79

Opening Remarks:

Alyssa Ayres, Dean of the Elliott School

Alyssa Ayres was appointed dean of the Elliott School of International Affairs and professor of history and international affairs at George Washington University effective February 1, 2021. She is the first woman to serve in the role of permanent dean at the school. Ayres is a foreign policy practitioner and award-winning author with senior experience in the government, nonprofit, and private sectors. From 2013 to 2021, she was senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), where she remains an adjunct senior fellow.

From 2010 to 2013 Ayres served as deputy assistant secretary of state for South Asia. During her tenure at the State Department in the Barack Obama administration, she covered all issues across a dynamic region of 1.3 billion people at the time (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka) and provided policy direction for four U.S. embassies and four consulates. Before serving in the Obama administration, Ayres was founding director of the India and South Asia practice at McLarty Associates, the Washington-based international strategic advisory firm, from 2008 to 2010, and served as a part-time senior advisor to the firm from 2014 to 2021. From 2007 to 2008, she served as special assistant to the undersecretary of state for political affairs as a CFR international affairs fellow. Prior to that she worked at the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for the Advanced Study of India and at the Asia Society in New York.

Ayres has been awarded numerous fellowships and has received four group or individual Superior Honor Awards for her work at the State Department. She speaks Hindi and Urdu, and in the mid-1990s worked as an interpreter for the International Committee of the Red Cross. She received an AB from Harvard College and an MA and PhD from the University of Chicago. She is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, and the Halifax International Security Forum agenda group, and she serves on the boards of the National Endowment for Democracy and the Women’s Foreign Policy Group. In 2021 and 2022, the Washingtonian included her as one of their “most influential people shaping policy.”

Author:

Image of Celeste Arrington looking into the camera and smiling

Celeste Arrington is Korea Foundation Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at the George Washington University. She is the Director of the GW Institute for Korea Studies. She is also a Visiting Research Scholar at Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs. Her comparative research examines public policy, law and social change, lawyers, and governance, with a regional focus on the Koreas and Japan. Other research interests include Northeast Asian security, North Korean human rights, and transnational activism. Her first book was Accidental Activists: Victim Movements and Governmental Accountability in Japan and South Korea (Cornell, 2016). She has published numerous articles and, with Patricia Goedde, she co-edited Rights Claiming in South Korea (Cambridge, 2021). Her newest book, published in 2025 in Cambridge’s Studies in Law and Society series, is entitled From Manners to Rules: Advocating for Legalism in South Korea and Japan. It analyzes the legalistic turn in Korean and Japanese regulatory style through paired case studies related to tobacco control and disability rights. She received a PhD from UC Berkeley, an MPhil from the University of Cambridge, and an AB from Princeton University. She has been a fellow at Harvard, the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and the Ludwig-Maximilians-University in Munich. GW’s Office of the Vice President for Research awarded her the 2021 Early Career Research Scholar Award. Her article with Claudia Kim won the 2023 Asian Law and Society Association’s distinguished article award. She is working on projects related to memory laws in South Korea and civic engagement among people with disabilities in Japan and Korea.

Moderator:

A picture of Bruce Dickson, smiling and looking at the camera

Professor Bruce Dickson received his B.A. in political science and English literature, his M.A. in Chinese Studies, and his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Michigan. He joined the faculty of The George Washington University and the Elliott School in 1993.

Professor Dickson’s research and teaching focus on political dynamics in China, especially the adaptability of the Chinese Communist Party and the regime it governs. In addition to courses on China, he also teaches on comparative politics and authoritarianism.

His current research examines the political consequences of economic reform in China, the Chinese Communist Party’s evolving strategy for survival, and the changing relationship between state and society. His research has been supported by the National Science Foundation, the Smith Richardson Foundation, the US Institute of Peace, and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.

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[1/30/2026] Making Sense of Japan’s Defense Policy: Continuities, Changes, and Challenges

Friday, January 30th, 2026

12:45 PM – 2:15 PM ET

Room 505

Elliott School of International Affairs

1957 E Street NW Washington, D.C. 20052

Over the past decade, Japan has significantly updated its defense policy. In 2015, the government partially lifted restrictions on the exercise of collective self-defense. Since 2022, the defense budget has grown rapidly, and the Self-Defense Force has expanded its ability to project power far beyond Japan’s immediate territory. These represent significant shifts that would have been unimaginable only a few decades ago. How should we understand these developments? To what extent has Japan’s defense policy shifted from its previous course? What do these reforms mean for the U.S.–Japan Alliance and for peace and stability in the Western Pacific? What objectives is Japan seeking to achieve through these defense policy upgrades, and what challenges does it face? This talk examines these questions to provide a deeper understanding of Japan’s evolving defense posture.

Speaker:

Image of Ryo Kiridori looking into the camera

Ryo Kiridori is a research fellow at the National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS), which he joined in 2016. From 2018 to 2019, he was cross appointed to the Defense Ministry’s Defense Policy Bureau, where he was engaged in drafting Japan’s mid-to-long-term defense strategy called National Defense Program Guidelines (now called National Defense Strategy) as well as in various policy-level strategic dialogues, including the Japan-US Extended Deterrence Dialogue. His research interests cover security studies and foreign policy analysis. He has recently written a chapter in a book about lessons from Ukraine to Taiwan, published in 2025. He is currently working on multiple research projects,including one about security implications of the spread of precision strike capabilities in the Indo-Pacific and a research that reassesses the role of the bureaucracy in Japan’s defense policy evolution. He holds a BA in political science from the University of New Brunswick in Canada and an MSc in International Relations from London School of Economics and Political Science. He is currently a PhD candidate in political science at the University of Toronto.

Moderator:

Image of Kuniko Ashizawa speaking and looking past the camera

Kuniko Ashizawa is a professorial lecturer at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. She also teaches international relations at the School of International Service, American University. Her research interests include Japan’s foreign policy, regional institution-building in Asia, and global governance, for which she has published various academic journal articles and book chapters, including in International Studies ReviewPacific Affairs, the Pacific Review, and Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. Her book, Japan, the U.S. and Regional Institution-Building in the New Asia: When Identity Matters (Palgrave McMillan, 2013), received the 2015 Masayoshi Ohira Memorial Prize. She received her PhD in international relations at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University.

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