Taiwan’s Amazing Food Culture

group photo at a dinner table

Only 100 miles away from China, it would be easy to assume that Taiwan would only have Chinese food. While it is true that Taiwan’s cuisine shares a heavy resemblance to China, Taiwan’s eating scene is as rich as its culture and stands as a symbol of pride to many of its inhabitants. Over the centuries, Taiwan’s rich indigenous cuisines have combined with Fujian and Cantonese flavors, to create a new style of Asian cuisine, one whose rich umami flavor and sweet undertones welcome new opportunities for culinary exploration.

xiao long bao Chinese soup dumplings in a traditional bamboo steamer

Photo caption: Delicious soup noodles at one of Taiwan’s famous Din Tai Fung éŒŽæł°è±

At the same time, Taiwan’s global economy has invited millions of people from all over Asia, most of whom have brought along their tastes and flavors. Taiwan’s culinary environment is rich with global influences from Europe, Africa, and the Americas, not to mention local Asian cuisines from South, East, and Southeast Asia. No matter the appetite, be it Bolognese, Vindaloo, Injera, or Congee, a quick trip down the street is sure to satisfy.

Mark Warburton posing for photo with food

Photo caption: Modern Toilet Restaurant in Taipei, a poop and toilet inspired café! One of the many wacky themed restaurants around Taiwan

 

In big cities like Taipei, Taichung, and Kaohsiung, the economic and cultural hearts of the island, tastes from across the globe are as easy to find as bubble tea shops. In the rural west coast outskirts or the mountainous east coast villages, delicious Taiwanese barbecues and stews await more adventurous travelers.

bento box with tofu, greens, and other sides

Photo caption: Old-fashioned bento box meal for workers who used to cut wood on the old Alishan Forest Railway

 

Taiwan’s numerous night markets also provide plentiful appealing delights for tourists and locals alike. Even the convenience stores showcase a wide swath of healthy and tasty treats from all over the world, assuring that no matter the time or the place, you’ll never go hungry in Taiwan.

Unlike similar stores in the United States, Taiwan has given convenience stores a whole new meaning. On nearly every street corner of any major city, you’re bound to find a 7eleven, Hi Life, or Family Mart, waiting eagerly to satisfy your insatiable snack cravings, chips, candy, and drinks galore. Many convenience stores have eating areas with benches and seats for patrons to enjoy their snacks in place. Moreover, many of these stores also have premade dinners, fresh salads, and bite-sized breakfasts that make stopping in for a meal cheap and, well, convenient.

 
sausages for sale at a Taiwan Seven Eleven

Photo caption: Of course, no convenience store would be complete without rotisserie hotdogs. These ones in particular are cheese flavored!

 

However, to find the perfect example of Taiwan’s excellent food culture, look no further than the classic nighttime venue for locals and tourists alike: night markets, a classic amalgamation of outdoor feasting activities, combined into a single place for everyone to enjoy. Of course, besides the usual gamete of Taiwanese staple foods, including Stinky Tofu (臭豆腐), Sweet Potato Balls (ćœ°ç“œæ±‚), Oyster Omelets (蚔仔煎), and Bubble Tea (çç ć„¶èŒ¶), night markets attract a huge array of delightful foreign foods including Italian pasta, Indian Curries, and South American tamales, just to name a few.

Taiwanese shaved ice dessert

Photo caption: One of my favorite Taiwanese desserts: Taiwan Shaved Ice. This one here is mango flavored.

Imagine state fair snacks and games, farmers’ market produce, and flea market stalls, all clumped together in the same place, every night, 365 days a year. Night markets provide the perfect setting to try new treats and discover a whole new culinary palate, both fresh and fried (and sometimes on a stick).

While night markets and convenience stores highlight the wide diversity in tastes and flavors, they are only the tip of the culinary iceberg. No matter where you go in Taiwan, you’re bound to discover new and exciting meals. Every Taiwanese person has their own peculiar set of tastes that ultimately affect Taiwan’s cuisine. Taiwan’s food culture is in a constant ebb and flow, shifting with the times and tastes of its people. Nonetheless, Taiwan’s rich history and the situation in the increasingly globalized world ensure that no matter where one visits the country, they are bound to find something delicious.

 

Mark Warburton, B.A. International Affairs, Political Science 2023
Sigur Center 2022 Asian Language Fellow
National Taiwan University, Taiwan

Biking 30 KM around Taiwan’s Sun Moon Lake

Enjoying the best of Taiwan by bicycle đŸšČđŸšČđŸšČ Sun Moon Lake is one of Taiwan’s most beautiful scenic areas, rich in nature, culture, and history. Join me as I take a little tour through lush mountain roads and sweeping lakeside views. đŸžđŸš”â€â™‚ïžđŸŒČ

Thank you George Washington University’s Sigur Center for Asian Studies for making it all possible.

 

Mark Warburton, B.A. International Affairs, Political Science 2023
Sigur Center 2022 Asian Language Fellow
National Taiwan University, Taiwan

the gates of Confucius Temple in Taiwan

Summer 2022 Language Fellow – My first few months in Taiwan

Before this summer, I had never gone outside of the country. I had been a scholar of international affairs with no international scholarly experience. My friends, all of who had been out of the country at least once, warned me of the inbound culture shock I was sure to experience. They told stories of shadowy burglars and cunning pickpockets who targeted foreigners or shop vendors who willingly scammed naĂŻve Americans for an extra buck.

“Go to Europe! It’ll feel much more like home. I hear London is very friendly toward Americans.”

“I don’t understand why you have to go to Asia! I hear it is very dangerous.”

They told me that the world was not a friendly place for American tourists. They said I would need to walk carefully, bag and belongings kept tight to my person, were I to avoid becoming another scare-story for other worried-sick tourists.
Nonetheless, despite these stories, I packed my bags and set off to my home away from home on the other side of the world.

Traveling to Taiwan this summer, I was one of 70 students to make the flight across the pacific, the first cohort of international students in over two years since the pandemic started. The program coordinator said we were making history. During the first week of my stay, I explored the far corners of my hotel room, counting the tiles on the ceiling, and waiting for the day I’d be free of the Marriott. The mandatory 7-day quarantine period felt like seven years as I paced around my hotel bed, trying desperately to spur some creative flow. But despite the gorgeous view from my 6th-floor room, there are only so many hours you can watch the clouds before you start to get bored.

Since early 2020, Taiwan has led the world in successful COIVD-19 mitigation practices. Throughout 2020 and 2021, as the rest of the world became bombarded by the Alpha and Omicron variants, Taiwan stayed closed, avoiding the unforeseen loss of life, but at the cost of social frustration and economic slowdown.

Walking along the streets, Taipei felt like a city out of hibernation; preparing for a new life three years deep into the “new normal.” During the majority of the pandemic, the government ordered residents to stay inside, limit contact with others, and if that was not possible, manage their own “social distance” even as the rest of the world forwent their restrictions and ushered in their new normal, albeit with significant growing pains

I traveled with CET, a study abroad program for students looking to improve their language skills in a target region. CET handled all the heavy lifting: housing, insurance, and tuition fees for the language program, amongst other odds and ends that ensured that our trip abroad was as painless as possible. They organized hikes, calligraphy classes, mediation workshops, and a whole host of activities to make students feel both engaged with their host culture and at home with their classmates.

But growing pains from COVID-19 still lingered. Unlike in the United States, where face coverings became a topic of political and social discordance, quickly shelved upon the CDC’s first word of unnecessity, indoor and outdoor mask usage has become the new normal, setting a trend that will likely stay for the foreseeable future. Of course, CET’s reentry into the post-COVID world also necessitated a few changes, such as the withdrawal of organized multiday activities, and a switch from housing with local students to solely with the CET cohort, all of which served as a constant reminder of the on-going COVID-19 pandemic.

Nonetheless, I am incredibly grateful I have been afforded this opportunity. The past two months I’ve spent in Taiwan have been a blast and a well-needed course in cultural immersion. I’m looking forward to spending more time abroad and sharing all of my experiences with friends back home.

 

Mark Warburton, B.A. International Affairs, Political Science 2023
Sigur Center 2022 Asian Language Fellow
National Taiwan University, Taiwan

Chiang Kai-shek memorial

Summer 2022 Language Fellow – Quarantine in Taiwan and initial thoughts

I recently finished my mandatory 3 days plus 4 health monitoring period in Taiwan. The process of me getting here this summer has been somewhat unique. I share these experiences in hopes that it will be useful to future students who may find themselves in a similar situation.

I initially applied to ICLP at National Taiwan University, but after some consideration I decided the MTC at National Taiwan Normal University might be a better fit for me, so I applied there too.

Right now, the only way to get into Taiwan as a student is either to be studying for at least 6 months or to be a recipient of the Huayu Enrichment Scholarship (HES). These two are not mutually exclusive. There is a lot of information on the internet about this scholarship so I won’t go into detail here, but suffice it to say you have to submit your application to the TECO (defacto consulate) for the region in which you live.

Unfortunately, in my HES application I had written that I would be attending ICLP, so when I won the award my records were sent to ICLP (Apparently the school you attend has to fill out some paperwork and work with the Taiwanese Ministry of Education to get your visa approved). After weeks of back and forth trying to figure out what was going on and get the different agencies talking with one another I finally discovered the problem. By that time, the semester was fast approaching, and MTC basically said “it’s too late, we can’t help you.”

I decided to turn back to ICLP (whom I had already informed I would not be attending) to see if they would still accept me and help me get my visa. ICLP was eager to help, they were communicative and professional. They assured me that I could start the semester online and join in person as soon as I made it to Taiwan and completed my mandatory quarantine and health monitoring period. It still surprises me when I think of how unwilling MTC was to help.

As expected, I started classes while still in the States. The time difference meant that I wasn’t done with classes until 2 am every day. After 3 days of that I finally made it to Taiwan, and I have been attending classes virtually since then throughout my quarantine. Being the only student attending virtually in my classes is not ideal, but my teachers have been accommodating.

Taiwan’s current requirement is 3 days plus a 4 day self-monitoring period. The rules are somewhat vague, but what is clear is that you have to stay at the same quarantine hotel for the entire 7 days. On the fourth day you can venture out but there are limitations on what you can do and where you can go. You also have to show a negative covid test (every 2 days) and fill out a form explaining why you need to go out and when you will be back.

My quarantine hotel was chosen by ICLP. It included a twin size bed, a tiny desk, mini fridge, and a bathroom. They also provide things like dish soap and laundry detergent in case you need to hand wash dishes or clothes in the bathroom sink. I paid about $700 USD for the week, and that included 3 square meals a day. Some meals were delicious, others just passable. I appreciated that most meals came with a piece of fruit—usually an apple, banana, or kiwi. The food was almost exclusively Taiwanese cuisine, but you are allowed to order from companies like Uber Eats if you want to mix it up.

The Taiwanese government has hinted at opening up the borders and loosening quarantine restrictions even further, but I don’t expect that to happen anytime soon. If you are planning to come to Taiwan this fall, I would prepare for the 3+4 quarantine policy to still be in effect.

 

Caleb Darger, M.A. Global Communication 2022

Sigur Center 2022 Asian Language Fellow

National Taiwan University, Taiwan

American Policeman And Police Car blurred out in the background

Summer 2020 Fellow: Police attitudes towards Gender Based Violence

-Abhilasha Sahay[1] and Basit Abdullah[2]

Owing to the complex dynamics of gender-based violence, strategies used to mitigate its risk and occurrence need to be multi-faceted, involving various institutions and sections of society. Strict laws related to violence against women will not alone be effective until strong law-enforcing organs exist on the ground. As such, the police station that happens to be the first gate of the criminal justice system forms an important institution to prevent GBV (Human Rights Watch, 2017). Initial reporting to the police is a critical stage in the process of prosecution of sexual violence cases.

In the eyes of society, in general, and victims, in particular, the police form the main source of help for the victims of GBV. Thus, police attitude towards crimes can have a significant impact on the case trajectory, protection of the victim, and prevention of such cases in the future. The attitude of the police towards GBV, in particular, is essential in providing a sense of security and satisfaction to women seeking justice and protection from violence (Shakti, 2017). The negative attitude of police may impact the timely registration of complaints by the victim and influence their response to the situation. This shapes a negative perception of police, which in turn might discourage the victims from pursuing the case (Apsler, et al., 2003).

Police response to gender-based violence has been reportedly inadequate. According to a report on Need for Gender Sensitization in Police, the police response to cases of GBV has been that of initial disbelief of victim’s complaint, discouraging her from the pursuing complaint, aggressive and sexist questioning, delaying medical examination, and trivialization of domestic violence cases. According to a report titled ‘Barriers in Accessing Justice’ by Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) and the Association for Advocacy and Legal Initiatives (AALI), it is difficult to get an FIR registered over rape cases.

Besides other reasons, stereotypes about sexual crimes are also responsible for the inadequate response of police to cases of violence against women. While there are many factors behind low reporting of gender-based violence in India, including fear of social stigma, doubting the victim by police personnel remains a major factor (Status of Policing in India Report, 2019). Fearing the ostracization by police and the wider society, GBV victims do not report their complaints to the police (Joseph et al. 2017). The patriarchal beliefs held by the police officers discourage GBV victims to approach police for help (Dhillon and Bakaya, 2014). Survivors often suffer humiliation in police stations in India when they go to register the case, especially if they are from marginalized communities (Human Rights Watch, 2017). Further, cases of domestic violence cases are often considered family problems that have to be settled between couples (Bannerji, 2016). Victim blaming and tolerance towards domestic violence are also normalized. Stereotypes about women are often internalized by police in patriarchal societal structure, which they are a part of, and it is reflected negatively in their attitude in GBV cases (Jordan, 2004). Most officers in Indian police organization that comprises 90% of men are insensitive towards cases involving females (Kapoor, 2017). Patriarchal beliefs and gender-stereotyped expectations held by police affect the public confidence in the police and the criminal justice system (Tripathi, 2020).

The belief among police officers and broader society that false allegations of sexual violence are leveled has contributed significantly to the under-reporting of sexual violence cases (Lisak et al. 2010). However, rates of false reporting in GBV cases investigated by police low. Sahay (2021) estimates that the number of false cases out of total completed investigated cases by police vary between 5% and 20% in India.

Another salient issue with GBV case handling is the low representation of women in the police force. Historically, women were included in the police force due to increasing crimes against women and the need to deal with women culprits (Natarajan 2016). However, women still comprise only 7% of the police force in India according to “Status of Policing in India Report, 2019”. The opening of women’s police stations has led to increased reporting of crimes against women by 22% (Amaral et al. 2021). This is true around the world as the presence of women officers is found to have a positive correlation with the reporting of sexual assaults (UN, 2011-12). Higher reporting of sexual violence-related crimes and arrests made for such offenses are associated with a higher number of females at inspector rank in those places (Siwach, 2018).

A gender-inclusive police force will be helpful in dealing with gender violence cases effectively. It will help women, in general, get more access to police stations and give them a sense of confidence in reporting and pursuing their complaints. As such, increasing women personnel in the police force has many concrete operational benefits in dealing with GBV cases. However, the inclusion of women in the police force is not sufficient to result in a gender-sensitive and non-discriminatory attitude of the police. The internal organizational culture of insensitive and apathetic attitudes towards GBV victims has to be reformed in order to bring some change. Within the police, there is a need to ensure that officials are properly trained with skills to respond to and investigate the GBV cases effectively. The creation of specialized police services that can provide protection and assistance to female victims is an important step in that direction.

According to the Status of Policing in India Report 2019, police personnel in India largely lack gender sensitization training programs. Even those who report being trained on gender sensitization do not get such training frequently. A more sensitive police force can be encouraging for victims to freely come to police stations to report such cases and play the role of guide them about how to pursue the case after filing the FIR. The police officers should be given training in dealing with victims of gender violence and frequent teaching sessions organized for them sensitizing them about gender. Vocational training programs for police officers challenging their patriarchal beliefs should be organized for police officers (Tripathi, 2020). Both well-trained and gender-sensitive police force is needed to provide an enabling environment to provide justice to victims of gender-based violence. The cult of masculinity in the police force and the stereotypes they hold about sexual assault, harassment, or domestic violence call for both gender sensitization training and inclusion of women in the police force.

[1] Sigur Grant Recipient (AY 2020-2021)

[2] Research Assistant hired by Sahay

Abhilasha Sahay, Ph.D. Economics

Sigur Center 2020-21 Research Grant

George Washington University

References

Amaral, S., Bhalotra, S., & Prakash, N. (2021). Gender, crime and punishment: Evidence from women police stations in India.

Apsler, R., Cummins, M. R., & Carl, S. (2003). Perceptions of the police by female victims of domestic partner violence. Violence against women, 9(11), 1318-1335.

Bannerji H (2016) Patriarchy in the era of neoliberalism: the case of India. Social Scientist 3–27

Dhillon M and Bakaya S (2014) Street harassment: a qualitative study of the experiences of young women in Delhi. SAGE Open 1–11.

Human Rights Watch (New York, NY). (2017). “Everyone Blames Me”: Barriers to Justice and Support Services for Sexual Assault Survivors in India. Human Rights Watch.

Joseph G, Javaid SU, Andres LA, Chellaraj G, Solotaroff J and Rajan SI (2017) Underreporting of Gender-Based Violence in Kerala, India: An Application of the List Randomization Method. Policy Research working paper; No. WPS 8044; Impact Evaluation series. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.

Kapoor S (2017). Culture change and law enforcement needed to make India safer for women.

Lisak, D., Gardinier, L., Nicksa, S. C., & Cote, A. M. (2010). False allegations of sexual assault: An analysis of ten years of reported cases. Violence against women, 16(12), 1318-1334.

Natarajan, M., 2016. Women police in a changing society: Back door to equality. Routledge.

Prasad S (1999) Medicolegal response to violence against women in India. Violence Against Women 478–506.

Siwach, G. (2018). Crimes against women in India: Evaluating the role of a gender representative police force. Available at SSRN 3165531.

Sahay, A. (2021). The Silenced Women: Can Public Activism Stimulate Reporting of Violence against Women?. Policy Research Working Paper 9566. Africa Region Gender Innovation Lab. World Bank Group.

Shakti, B. S. (2017). Tackling Violence Against Women: A Study of State Intervention Measures (A comparative study of impact of new laws, crime rate and reporting rate, Change in awareness level). New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of Women and Child Development.

Tripathi, S. (2020). Patriarchal beliefs and perceptions towards women among Indian police officers: A study of Uttar Pradesh, India. International journal of police science & management, 22(3), 232-241.

poster with image of a closed fist; text: Stop Violence Against Women

Summer 2020 Fellow: Reporting what shouldn’t be spoken of – Gender Based Violence

-Abhilasha Sahay[1] and Basit Abdullah[2]

Across the globe, one in three women have experienced some form of gender-based violence (GBV) in their lifetime (WHO, 2018). The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women defines GBV as “any act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty whether occurring in public or in private life” (UN General Assembly, 1993). GBV may exist in different forms including domestic violence, femicide, sexual harassment, rape, human trafficking, child marriage, online violence, etc.

GBV is widespread in India; according to 2015-16 NFHS-4, 30% of women between 15 and 49 have faced physical violence in their lifetime. As per data reported by National Crime Record Bureau, there has been a continuous rise in the number of GBV cases in past years. For instance, reported cases of crimes against women increased by 7.3% 2019 report as compared to 2018 (NCRB, 2019). With the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic and the subsequent lockdown, the increase in domestic violence cases also points to the huge gender disparity and vulnerability of women in India. India saw a surge in domestic violence with Covid-19 nationwide lockdown, according to data by the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) (Times of India, 2020). The reported complaints of domestic violence cases doubled during lockdown according to National Commission for Women’s (NCW) data (Vora et al. 2020).

Owing to the socially sensitive nature of GBV crimes, several cases aren’t reported. In a recent global study – including 24 countries – only 7% of women who had ever experienced violence report it to formal sources such as police, medical facility and social services (Palermo et al. 2013). Similarly, it was found that only 3.5% of victims, according to 2015-16 NFHS-4, sought the help of police. A comparative analysis of NFHS 2015-16 data recorded by National Crime Records Bureau figures suggests that only a fraction (less than 1%) of sexual violence cases are reported (Live Mint, 2018).

According to NCRB report 2019, rape cases account for 10% of all crimes against women, and India reports on an average 88 cases of rape per day. Reported rape cases have almost doubled from 2001 to 2019 in India from 16,075 cases in 2001 to 32033 cases in 2019. Sexual harassment is another serious form of GBV prevalent in India. 21.8% of the GBV cases were reported under the category ‘assault on women with the intent to outrage her modesty (NCRB 2019). Cases of sexual harassment at the workplace have especially increased from 57 in 2014 to 505 in 2019. However, numbers are considered to be much higher than reported. According to a survey by Indian National Bar Association, 38% of the respondents reported that they have faced sexual harassment at the workplace, 69 % reported to have not filed a complaint with the management and dealt with it on their own due to fear, embarrassment, or lack of knowledge about laws and regulations. In 2013, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act was implemented in India and the definition of workplace includes informal sector and domestic workers as well. However, since 95% of women are employed in the informal sector, the law exists only on paper due to its poor enforcement in the informal sector, according to HRW report 2020.

Homicides in intimate partner relationships remain one of the most prevalent causes of female mortality worldwide (Amin et al., 2016). Of all the murders of women, 38% are committed by their male intimate partners (WHO, 2017). In India, according to National Crime Records Bureau, female dowry deaths account for around 40 to 50 percent of homicide cases recorded annually from 1999 to 2016 (UNODC, 2018).

Domestic violence remains the top crime women in India face. GBV remains a challenge for society at large and the police system in particular. Despite the high prevalence, it is under-reported, which in turn contributes to high prevalence. Survivors of GBV may face several barriers to reporting such as shame and stigma associated with reporting such crimes, perceived impunity for perpetrators, and the normalization of tolerating such crimes in society (Palermo et al 2013). Gaps in criminal law procedures, gender stereotypes, and victim-blaming are considered as significant obstacles to survivors’ reporting of GBV, by UN Office on Drugs and Crime. Financial dependence of women and fear of consequences in the family of reporting are also some common hindrances to reporting domestic violence cases.

Since underreporting remains a major challenge in dealing with GBV, several interventions can help stipulate reporting of GBV cases in India. Special police units comprising women are likely to increase reporting of GBV as female officers are found to be more sympathetic, sensitive, and less authoritative in their attitude towards victims (Amaral et al., 2018). As such, female police officers provide a safe space for women complainants to share sensitive information about their cases. There should be efforts to reduce the stigma attached with reporting GBV, and the information of legal services for GBV victims should be disseminated. Public awareness using mass media can be an important step in this regard. Social movements, by raising awareness and sensitization, can also encourage GBV victims to report (Sahay, 2021).

[1] Sigur Grant Recipient (2021)

[2] Research Assistant hired by Sahay

Abhilasha Sahay, Ph.D. Economics 2021

Sigur Center 2020-21 Research Fellow

George Washington University

References

Amaral, S., Bhalotra, S., & Prakash, N. (2021). Gender, crime and punishment: Evidence from women police stations in India.

Amin, M., Islam, A. M., Lopez-Claros, A., 2016. Absent laws and missing women: can domestic violence legislation reduce female mortality?

Palermo, T., Bleck, J., & Peterman, A. (2014). Tip of the iceberg: reporting and gender-based violence in developing countries. American journal of epidemiology, 179(5), 602-612.

The Times of India. (2020). (Assessed 25th June 2020)

Sahay, A. (2021). The Silenced Women: Can Public Activism Stimulate Reporting of Violence against Women?. Policy Research Working Paper 9566. Africa Region Gender Innovation Lab. World Bank Group.

Vora, M., Malathesh, B. C., Das, S., & Chatterjee, S. S. (2020). COVID-19 and domestic violence against women. Asian Journal of Psychiatry, 53, 102227.

WHO. 2018. Violence Against Women Prevalence Estimates, World Health Organization

Desk with Chinese studying aids

Summer 2021 Language Fellow – A Reflection

With two years of one-on-one instruction (guided by Integrated Chinese‘s level 1 textbook) but a childhood immersed in Chinese-speaking environments as my background, my Chinese reading, writing, speaking, and listening skills have developed unevenly. Having a heritage background has largely been helpful in learning Chinese, but at times can be a hindrance. My listening skills surpass my speaking skills which in turn surpass my writing and reading skills. Before CLS, my Chinese was halting–there were times when I was speaking or writing when I would sense that the way I was phrasing something was (grammatically) wrong or awkward, but, unsure how to rephrase my thought, my efforts to speak and write could sometimes be slow and drawn out, with stops and starts. When I enrolled in CLS’s Chinese program, my hope was that through meaningful exposure to Chinese every day and actively working on improving with the help of formal instruction and feedback, I would be able to speak more intuitively and read and write more fluidly.

I was enrolled in the third-year class, which I found to be lively and engaging even with the long hours and steady workload. From Mondays to Thursdays, we had three and a half hours of class in the morning (with plenty of breaks!), followed by an hour of lunch with students from other levels, and then an additional half hour to hour of review/culture class in the afternoon. On top of this we had nightly homework and new vocabulary to memorize. Fridays were test days and the following Monday, we would start the cycle over again. Between the contact hours and the assignments and work we had to put in outside of these, there was certainly plenty of opportunity for Chinese practice every day!

Including myself, there were only 4 students in the class so there was both the opportunity and expectation that we be fully present and engage in Chinese. We each had different strengths, but at this level we were assumed to be proficient in the basics and to be able to navigate the everyday situations which were the focus in earlier levels. Of course there is always more vocabulary and grammar to learn, but the primary focus of the third-year course was to put these in service of honing our ability to express abstract thoughts and hold sustained discussions. Over the course of 7 weeks, we were not only regularly asked to share our opinions and thinking, but to elaborate and express ourselves in more than single sentences and phrases. Could we say more? What could we offer to back up our claims and flesh out our perspectives? At this level we were also asked to be attentive to writing in a more sophisticated way—to make use of transition words/phrases and conjunctions so that our sentences would flow and our compositions would have a sense of cohesion.

We spoke about childhood memories and the influence our upbringing had on us, evaluating and articulating opinions about leaders and people in general, the hardships and dilemmas that come up in life and how to respond to them, our dietary preferences and habits, the feelings that music and other situations evoke in us, societal issues, and achieving happiness. Our discussions were grounded in our own experiences, though we were often asked to also consider other perspectives. Since I’m studying Mandarin in preparation for a year-long anthropological fieldwork in Taiwan, I found the course content not only interesting but also incredibly relevant to my goals. Discussions around one’s background, experiences, influences, thoughts and feelings are exactly the kinds of conversations I hope to be proficient enough to have when I’m in Taiwan. Being able to have these kinds of conversations will help me connect with people, but they also speak to the anthropological interest in the richness of the everyday and in the specificity of lived experiences.

Overall, I really enjoyed participating in CLS. It was fast-paced and exhausting, but rewarding. I also enjoyed having the program length as window of time in which my main focus everyday was Chinese. Though this was not a fully immersive experience, the daily engagement in Chinese was helpful in building my confidence, which I believe is just as important as mastering grammar and vocabulary in being able to make use of my language skills. As I transition back into the academic year, I’m looking forward to being able to more fully appreciate Chinese dramas and extensive reading as a way to unwind while also practicing and further honing my language skills!

Sylvia Ngo, PhD in Anthropology 2025
Sigur Center 2021 Asian Language Fellow
Beloit College, Wisconsin, USA